This op-ed was originally produced for and published by Kosovo 2.0. It has been re-published here with permission. It was written by IPI Senior Europe Advocacy Officer Jamie Wiseman. Click here to read the original piece.
Four years ago, a coalition of the world’s leading press freedom organizations conducted a fact-finding mission in Kosovo to assess the climate for media freedom. They left with a cautiously optimistic message.
The 2022 mission found a country that, while far from perfect, was moving in the right direction: a strong legal framework, a pluralistic media landscape and a Vetëvendosje government praised for contributing to progress in media freedom. Kosovo was a bright spot for press freedom in the Western Balkans.
Fast forward, and the picture looks quite different. In March 2026, many of the same international press freedom groups returned to Prishtina to take stock of recent developments and hold the first-ever formal meeting of such a delegation with Prime Minister Albin Kurti, head of the then recently re-elected Vetëvendosje government.
In a report published today that summarises the findings of that mission, the conclusions are clear: media freedom in Kosovo has experienced a period of deterioration over the past three years, driven predominantly by political factors.
This assessment has upended what had been a bumpy, non‑linear but overall positive trajectory since independence in 2008. For the first time, a previously stable climate for press freedom has tipped into backsliding, tarnishing Kosovo’s status as a regional frontrunner on media freedom in the EU accession process.
Yes, Kosovo still has a pluralistic media landscape, relatively low levels of physical violence against journalists, and laws broadly aligned with European and international standards. These are all positive points. But taken together, the evidence is hard to ignore: Kosovo is no longer a bright spot for media freedom.
Eroding media freedom and hostility against journalists
The obvious question, then, is how a media freedom landscape can shift so much, in such a short space of time, and under the same Vetëvendosje party that was previously credited with overseeing progress in press freedom during its first term in government.
The new report points to three principal factors behind the assessment.
The first is the sustained increase in verbal targeting and denigration of journalists by ruling party politicians. This is not a matter of isolated outbursts. In recent years, there has been a clear spike in stigmatizing language directed at media professionals by high‑level politicians, often from the governing party, with toxic effects on both public discourse and the security of the profession.
Journalists who ask tough questions are increasingly painted as traitors or enemies of the state and singled out through smear campaigns on social media. Others are dismissed as Serbian “mercenaries” or “agents” representing foreign powers. In a meeting of the delegation with almost all leading editors and media directors within the country, when asked to confirm whether their journalists had experienced this kind of undemocratic hostility from politicians, practically every hand in the room was raised.
This worsening climate is backed up by data. The number of overall cases documented by the Association of Journalists in Kosovo (AJK) involving the denigration, discrediting and online harassment against journalists, especially by high-ranking political figures, has dramatically increased in the last few years, reaching a peak in 2025. This rhetoric cannot be dismissed simply as challenging perceived media bias or ownership influence, but points to a far wider issue.
So far, the hostility and framing of critical journalism as anti-Kosovar have not spilled over into physical violence against members of the press. However, if these dynamics of denigration and discreditation continue, media freedom groups fear this situation could change, as is the case in neighboring Serbia.
Weakened institutions, legal harassment and oligarchic pressure
The second reason is legislative overreach, combined with the erosion of regulatory independence. In July 2024, Parliament passed a media law — later rejected as unconstitutional — that would have increased political control over the Independent Media Commission (IMC). At the time, the Council of Europe, the EU and civil society warned the government about the potential violation of the constitution. They went ahead regardless. This sent a clear warning: a regulator that should act as a buffer between political power and the broadcasting sector was being pushed closer to that power. Subsequent political interference has chipped away at its impartiality.
The third reason is the persistent underfunding and alleged political pressure on the public broadcaster, Radio Television of Kosovo. RTK is unquestionably operating in challenging economic conditions, while the continued lack of funding disables proper investment. Adequate and sustainable funding is required. But during the mission, the delegation also heard concerns about the removal of news presenters, the axing of shows and testimonies by its journalists about political pressure — claims that were strongly denied by RTK management.
The recent selection process for the boards of both RTK and the IMC, conducted in April 2026, only deepened accusations of institutional politicization. Candidates for the governing bodies were chosen through rushed, opaque procedures marked by irregularities, running counter to the principles of transparent, merit‑based selection. This has undermined the framework of the country’s media freedom system and poses major questions.
In addition to the three key concerns, another outstanding issue remains the legal harassment of the press. The report shows a high number of defamation cases in recent years. In a small market where many outlets operate on thin margins, the mere threat of costly litigation can lead to self‑censorship or the shelving of sensitive investigations.
All of this sits atop longstanding systemic problems. The climate for independent journalism does face continuing challenges stemming from the influence of both political and business interests within the country. Weak firewalls between media ownership structures, business groups and newsrooms are clear to see. This is not new, but it continues to undermine public‑interest journalism in general and investigative reporting in particular.
During a meeting with the delegation, the Prime Minister and government officials argued that the capture of media by vested business, corporate and oligarchic interests represents the main challenge facing media freedom in Kosovo. It’s true that this is a serious issue. Stronger ownership transparency, including beneficial ownership and protections for editorial independence are vital if the press in Kosovo is to serve citizens rather than oligarchs.
However, this narrative cannot be a distraction. Legitimate concerns about the pressure on media from owners do not absolve the government of responsibility for the decline highlighted in the report. Political hostility towards critical journalists, attempts to tighten control over the IMC, underfunding of RTK and opaque appointments to key oversight bodies are not the work of oligarchs, but the political choices of the government.
Wake‑up call for a democracy in deadlock
This assessment is not an outlier. The findings are reflected both in Kosovo’s decline in recent international media freedom rankings and in the European Union’s annual reports. Other international human rights organizations have echoed concerns about escalating hostility against journalists and growing pressure on independent institutions.
It is hoped this new report will be treated by the government as a wake‑up call, not an attack. It is important to stress that Kosovo’s level of media freedom has not yet fallen below that of other aspiring EU candidate countries in the region. But the direction of travel is clear, and if the government fails to address the identified issues, the situation could worsen further.
Kosovo’s decline in media freedom is not inevitable, but rather the outcome of political choices. With media freedom a key pillar of Kosovo’s EU accession process, the government needs to do significant work to rebuild trust in its democratic credentials.
The mission’s report does not merely diagnose the problems. It offers detailed recommendations to the Vetëvendosje caretaker government aimed at strengthening media freedom and supporting the exercise of free and independent journalism.
In a political climate in Kosovo currently marked by prolonged institutional deadlock and repeated parliamentary elections, the role of a free press in scrutinizing power and providing fact-based information to citizens about key developments is more important than ever for the country’s young democracy.
Kosovo’s current media freedom trajectory is reversible. If the independence of institutions is strengthened, abusive practices curbed and political rhetoric towards all journalists reanchored in democratic norms, the country can return to its previous positive trajectory. In the next media freedom mission, there is still hope that Kosovo can be a bright spot once again.
- The mission to Kosovo in 2026 was conducted by the partner organization of the Council of Europe Platform to Promote the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists. IPI was one of the mission partners. The report was launched on 20 July at an event in Pristina. The full report can be read here.